Yet another, and yes more boring, paper on economics. :)
Research Paper
Jordan Reed
In today’s political and economic debates,
the subject of tax cuts versus government spending is an extremely volatile
issue. It is a polarizing agent in the very definition of where political parties
stand on method of governance, and not just in America but in many OECD nations
as well. Because it is such a representative issue, both sides of the spectrum
persist that their economic formula is superior to the others. This mutual
persistence makes it often difficult to get a clear concise picture on the
better market ideology. Now, due to recent events in the political sphere, the
viability and efficacy of tax cuts has been seriously questioned and in some
cases discarded entirely. These events have led me to do my research paper upon
whether taxes have a negative effect on the economy, and if tax cuts have a
revitalizing influence or not.
To begin, it would be good to quantify just
what these two sides represent exactly. There are numerous sects peppered
throughout the spectrum, but, in order to streamline the argument, we can
recognize two main factions: Keynesian and Chicago School. Each represents a foundation in their
respective thought processes. Keynesian economic theory was a theory that arose
around the early 20th century. It was formed by John Maynard Keynes,
and it focused on the idea that aggregate demand dominates the prosperity and
productivity of an economy. The corollary to this statement is that the
government has the responsibility of spending to increase the overall demand of
an economy in times of recession. In
opposition to this theory, the Chicago School of Economics purported that the
free-market can best distribute resources, and government interference should
be as small as possible. Because of this emphasis on less interference, the use
of tax cuts became a common pillar of the theory. This focuses primarily on the
supply of an economic model, thereby earning this theory the moniker
supply-side economics. Now, the trouble comes when these systems are compared.
Each situation in which one of these theories was implemented had different
variables in the market, different macroeconomic situations, and varying
degrees by which the theories were implemented. These influences make
large-scale dissection of these policies and their effects difficult, but it is
not impossible. At certain times, there have been administrations completely
behind a certain economic model, and the administration’s policies included the
implementation of many of the factors contained in a specific school of
economic thought. By isolating certain choices of policy during this period of
implementation and the subsequent results in a cause-and-effect relationship,
we can draw conclusions on the overall impact of said policies.
First, we will observe the
effects of implemented Keynesian policies in the Roosevelt administration of
1933-1945. The blame for the depression had fallen heavily upon the Republican
Old Order, and this resulted in the rare occurrence when both the legislative
and Executive branches of government were ousted. The new economic outlook of this
administration was dominated by the New Deal, which relied heavily on the
interventionist principles of Keynes’s ideas. Shown in Fig. 1 (Romer
1992:757-784), the national GDP had
plummeted through 1929-1932, and, even though the descent had slowed by 1933,
the election of the new administration was almost inevitable. The overwhelming
election of Roosevelt gave him a definite “mandate of the people” to enact
drastic change. This change included such acts as CCC (Civilian Conservation
Corps), PWA (Public Works Administration), CWA (Civil Works Administration, and
WPA (Works Progress Administration).Using government wages, these programs were
used to employ large segments of the jobless population. In Keynesian principle, the government spent
revenue to employ citizens in works, and these public sector employees would
increase the aggregate demand in the economy through the public works system.
This policy of government mass-employment is lauded by Keynes himself in a
letter to President Roosevelt: “public
authority must be called in aid to create additional current incomes through
the expenditure of borrowed or printed money. “ (Keynes,1933:2) Fig.2 (Romer 1992:757-784) shows just how many jobs these
policies pushed the government to employ. Further examples of Interventionist
precedent are scattered throughout this administraton’s terms and policies, but
it would not serve to expand our study into these at this time.
Before weighing and discussing these
findings, I would also present an opposing event that illustrates a similar circumstance
but has a radically different solution. The election of 1980 serves as a
pivotal turning point in the Kenyesian/Chicago School(or neo-classical as it
had become called) contention. In veiw of context, the Kenyesian economic
structure had become so entrenched that President Nixon was quoted as saying, “We are all Keynesians now” But, in the
1970s there came a period of stagflation, where inflation skyrocketed, growth
stagnated, and unemployment remained at a heightened level. This was
detrimental to the Kenysian economists, because their policies were so closely
tied to the incumbent party. When the stagflation continued, the people
overthrew the current administration in the election of 1980, and supply-side
economists became the new leading theorists. One of the keystone programs of the incoming
regime was the institution of a supply-side economic model, and a pillar of
this model was a massive tax cut to all income brackets. This tax cut was
realized in the Economic Recovery Tax Rate of 1981 that entailed a phased-in
23% cut in individual tax rates over 3 years, with the top rate dropped from
70% to 50%. The Reagan administration and
Chicago School theorists claimed that the tax cuts would provide growth in the
tax base while simeoultaneously enriching the populace. Did it accomplish these
things? Were these tax cuts successful in their stated purpose? Statistics from
the period show that GDP grew at an annual percentage rate of 3.1 from
1980-1988, real family median income rose 0.8% annualy, and unemployment annualy
fell by 0.3%. Even more telling is the fact that each quintile of living’s real
income was raised by at least 5%. (Moore) Looking at these
statistics, it would seem reasonable to at least make a superficial claim that
tax cuts do indeed have a postive effect on the economy. The problem with this
line of thinking is it doesn’t lay rest the basic question of whether tax cuts
or government spending are more effective. After all, these two methodologies
of governance are mutually exclusive. One represents government intervention
during recession while the other focuses on minimal government interferance.
To solve the problems above, we must examine
the factors and evidence in each case, and define what would constitute a
“successful” policy. For my paper, I am constituting a successful policy as one
that spurs the economy to greater GDP than it would have experianced otherwise
.
First, we examine the New Deal example. Did
the Keynsian method work? Upon first glance the evidence seems convincing. The
GDP skyrocketed from 58 billion in 1933 to nearly 130 billion in 1941. This is
one area where we must understand the intricacies of the historical context.
Part of that enormous increase in GDP can be partly attributed to the
energizing effect of America’s entrance into World War 2. For this reason, it would be more
informative to study the economic evidence of pre-WW2. With this in mind we can
now see that the GDP jumped to approximately 90 billion in 1938. This 32
billion increase over five years is spectacular in any circumstance, but the
claim that the rapid growth was caused by the fiscal policies of FDR has been questioned in recent
studies. Economist Christina Roma put forth a study that the government
spending of the New Deal had less of an effect on the growth of GDP. She proves
this through the use of an algorithm that incorporates the recessions and
revoverys of previous instances. The simulation allows one to see approximately
what the GDP growth would have been without the fiscal policy of 1933. (see
fig. 3). (Romer) By looking at this
chart that the Keynsian policies employed had nearly no effect on the growth.
In the limited scope of this example, we can derive that a policy of government
spending to increase demand is flawed, but it should be repeated that the
diverse variables comprising the different markets must be taken into account
in any conclusion.
Of course, it is does nothing to quell a
controversy if one policy is proven flawed but the other is not tested for its
own authenticity. We now study the Reagan period of economic policy, and the
Chicago School methodology brought with it. Applying the same litmus test we
used on the New Deal policies, did Reagan’s tax cuts spur growth? We see in
figure 4 that the growth during the Reagan administration was the second
largest post WW2. In addition, A broad view showed that the growth came after
two consequtive falls in growth. More than that, it could be implied that the
economic stagflation would not have recovered without some major change, and
that change was this change in economic policy.
Viewing all the presented evidenc e, a few
conclusions can be drawn from them. First, in the examples listed we see the
weakness of Keynsian policies. It should be remembered that though they didn’t
have an effect in these instances, but there are numerous studies that present further
evidence on the different facets of the economy. What is proven in this paper
is that the Keynsian ideology does not particularly contribute to the overall
growth of GDP.
Another conclusion that could be drawn is
that, while interventionistism does not work, tax cuts have a pro-growth effect
on the overall economy. Because the
measurement of success being gauged was GDP, that was the targeted statistic,
but there are numerous other statistics, unemployment and real family income
just for starters, that show a favorable change due to tax cuts and Chicago
School policies.
The final conclusion is that, while these
issues have become a defining point of alliegiance in politics of the modern
day , tax cuts and government spending are in themselves not complete economic
policies. Just as there are numerous variables and nuances in a market, there
is an equal amount of complexity in any economic plan. Tax cuts versus
government spending really illustrates the difference in the way of approaching
an economic plan to solve a problem.
Works Cited
Keynes, John. "AN OPEN LETTER TO PRESIDENT
ROOSEVELT." 16 December 1933.
Moore, William A. Niskanen and Stephen.
"Supply-Side Tax Cuts and the Truth about the Reagan Economic
Record." 22 October 1996. Cato Institute. Web. 25 November 2012.
Romer, Christina D. "What Ended the Great
Depression?" The Journal of Economic History 52.4 (1992): 757-784.
Web. 25 November 2012.
<http://www.jstor.org.dbsearch.fredonia.edu:2048/stable/2123226?seq=11>.
Figure 1
Figure 2Fig. 3
Fig. 4
whoops
ReplyDeletefor some reason the figures are not showing up..... apologies everyone :)
I WOULD comment about the paper except that I really don't know a whole lot about such things. :) It looks well written and given how much time I know that you put into it, I'll just assume that it's correct. Unless of course we can get @Nadea to post and refute you. (It's so much fun seeing the two of you go at it. :) )
ReplyDeleteare there resech papers ones you are doing for school ?
ReplyDelete